Knightia - Facts and Figures

Knightia - Facts and Figures Name: Knightia; pronounced NYE-tee-ah Habitat: Rivers and lakes of North America Historical Epoch: Eocene (55-35 million years ago) Size and Weight: About six inches long and a few ounces Diet: Small marine organisms Distinguishing Characteristics: Small size; herring-like appearance    About Knightia Most fossils from the Eocene epoch are well out of the reach of ordinary consumers, but not so the small prehistoric fish Knightia, thousands of specimens of which have been discovered in Wyomings Green River formation (in fact, Knightia is Wyomings official state fossil). Thanks to their abundance, its possible to buy a well-preserved Knightia fossil for under $100, a bargain compared to the average dinosaur! (Buyer beware, though: whenever you purchase a fossil, especially online, its essential to check its provenancethat is, whether it really is a genuine specimen of Knightia or simply a baby salmon that has been crushed between two bricks.) Part of the reason there are so many Knightia fossils is that there were so many Knightiathis six-inch-long fish assembled in vast schools throughout the lakes and rivers of Eocene North America, and lay near the bottom of the aquatic food chain (meaning that these huge populations of Knightia sustained larger, scarcer predators, including the prehistoric fish Diplomystus and Mioplosus). Befitting its small size, Knightia itself fed not on fish, but on tiny marine organisms like plankton and diatoms, and it was very herring-like in its appearance and behaviorso much so that it was originally classified as a species of the herring genus Clupea.

How to Use the Irregular French Verb Recevoir

How to Use the Irregular French Verb Recevoir The French verb recevoir (pronounced ruh-say-vwah) is one of the more challenging to learn because its highly irregular once you get into the past tense and other conjugations. Translated as to receive or to get, this verb is so irregular that it doesnt fit in any pattern.   Usage Recevoir is whats commonly known in French as an irregular ir- verb. These verbs dont follow the regular patterns of conjugation, so students have to memorize them individually. Other ir- verbs include:  asseoir, courir, devoir, falloir, mourir, pleuvoir, pouvoir, recevoir, savoir, tenir, valoir, venir, voir  and  vouloir. Verbs that end in -cevoir are conjugated the same way. These include: apercevoir   to catch sight of, to foreseeconcevoir  Ã‚  to conceivedà ©cevoir  Ã‚  to disappointpercevoir  Ã‚  to perceiverecevoir  Ã‚  to receive Uses and Expressions The table below includes only simple conjugations of the irregular French -ir verb recevoir. It does not include compound tenses, which include a form of the auxiliary verb avoir and the past participle. recevoir une salaire to get paidrecevoir un prix to be awarded a prize / to be given a prize or awardrecevoir un cadeau to get / receive / be given a giftrecevoir  courrier /  coup de tà ©là ©phone to get mail /  to get a telephone callVeuillez recevoir, Madame, lexpression de mes sentiments les meilleurs  ou  mes salutations distinguà ©es Yours sincerelyrecevoir un coup sur la tà ªte to receive a blow to the headrecevoir  quelquun dà ®ner   to invite someone to dinnerJai à ©tà © mal reà §u. I was made to feel unwelcome.La maison peut recevoir six personnes. The house sleeps six people.Le mà ©decin reà §oit/ne reà §oit pas aujourdhui. The doctor is / isnt seeing patients today.se faire recevoir   to get told offJe nai de conseils recevoir de personne  ! I dont have to take advice from anybody!Elle sait merveilleusement recevoir. Shes a marvelous hostess. / Shes marvelous at entertaining. Simple Conjugations of the Irregular French -ir Verb Recevoir Present Future Imperfect Present Participle je reois recevrai recevais recevant tu reois recevras recevais il reoit recevra recevait nous recevons recevrons recevions vous recevez recevrez receviez ils reoivent recevront recevaient    Pass compos Auxiliary verb avoir Past participle reu Subjunctive Conditional Pass simple Imperfect subjunctive je reoive recevrais reus reusse tu reoives recevrais reus reusses il reoive recevrait reut rect nous recevions recevrions remes reussions vous receviez recevriez retes reussiez ils reoivent recevraient reurent reussent Imperative (tu) reois (nous) recevons (vous) recevez

Girlguiding UK anmd the Scout association Essay

Girlguiding UK anmd the Scout association - Essay Example The campaign is a cause-based online advocacy that will require technological resources to run the campaign smoothly and effectively without any hassles. For this purpose, some funding will be required to spread the message in targeted areas. The campaign messages will usually signify the financial benefit that youth may acquire from collecting junk material from homes or communities, and the way these junk materials can be turned into useful items, such as soda cans into pencil jars, oilcans into dustbins, newspapers into bags, etc. The campaign will only use online platform, particularly social media, such as Facebook and Twitter to spread the message to youth registered with the Scout Association and Girlguiding UK who will then become ambassadors of the campaign to spread message to several other individuals in the same communities and societies. The Association will also create official pages of the campaign that will have small quizzes, games, etc to influence youth. One of the major key performance indicators will be participation of youth on social media pages that will allow the Association to determine level of reach among the targeted audience. The second key indicator will be the amount of funding that Associations will acquire by collecting and selling junk material. The Association (Girlguiding UK, 2013; The Scout Association, 2013) has a reasonable number of trained teaching and non-teaching staff that is one of its strengths. Besides, the Association’s centres are located at different locations that are accessible for youth as well as their parents conveniently. Ample of learning resources is available in the form of human and learning resources at these centres. Despite of many campaigns, one of the major weaknesses of the Association is lack of community involvement that has not allowed the association leadership to achieve its targets fully in the past (World Scout Bureau, 1998, pp.

The leadership skill I most want to develop Essay

The leadership skill I most want to develop - Essay Example This was followed by exploration of available list of leadership skills that singled out most suitable ones for my leadership style. I conducted an online evaluation of my leadership style through responding to traits based questions and the process matched my traits with transformational leadership. My further exploration of the fundamental characteristics of the leadership style such as empowering and motivating people together with promoting collectiveness developed my insight into my leadership skills and other necessary skills to the leadership style. Based on this process, I identified translation of business strategies into clear objectives and tactics, and training other people in developing their skills as my strongest leadership skills. My weakest leadership skills are however, the ability to prepare people to understand changes and transitions, and managing multiple demands and competing priorities. I know that these are my strongest and weakest leadership skills because o f my self-evaluation together with background information on leadership. The leadership skill that I most wish to develop is the ability to prepare people to understanding changes and transitions. My specific objective in developing this skill is to be able to empower people to the capacity in which they can understand a change its consequences, and strategies to dealing with the change. I will measure progress of the development through qualitative evaluation of my subjects understanding of change at a particular time. This will involve presenting a change situation to the subjects, sampling them, and using interviews to evaluate their understanding of the change. I will then compare their responses with the actual scope of the subject change. I will need secondary resources such as published books and journals with information on strategies to developing human potentials. I will also require human resource in management

Marketing Paper Final Exam Essay Example for Free

Marketing Paper Final Exam Essay Final Paper Marketing encompasses the complex cycle of every stage of a product, from conception to the final sale and everything in between. Marketers are challenged with identifying the consumers needs/wants and managing the process to meet those needs. Every product a marketer develops goes through four stages in its life, The Product Life Cycle. Each stage of the product life cycle (Introduction, Growth, Maturity, and Decline) have unique characteristics that a marketer faces as they create utility and try to maintain or grow their market share. Through each stage advertising is critical and marketers try to inform, persuade and remind consumers about their product. The difference is the approach and focus of the advertising. Every product that comes to market enters into the Introduction Stage. This is the stage where consumers are first introduced to the product. â€Å"During the introductory stage of the product life cycle, a firm works to stimulate demand for the new market entry. † (Boone Kurtz, 2006, p. 371) A marketer must connect with consumers to create a market for the new product. Every year hundreds of new products enter the introductory stage. Currently a product that is just beginning to take hold is high-definition televisions (HDTVs). HDTVs broadcast pictures with increased clarity and give the viewer (consumer) options on camera angles and additional information. Currently, â€Å"Yankee Group estimates that 15 percent of American households now own (a HDTV), with Forrester estimating 10 percent at most. † (Crawford, 2005) During the introductory stage, marketers are trying to introduce the product to consumers. One of the ways marketers succeed is in offering promotions or discounts to distributors to get the product in the marketplace. Most of the advertising focuses on informing the public about the new product. While information is key, advertisers also try to persuade consumers to purchase the product and often times remind consumers where they can find the product. The Introductory stage is where all products start. It is in this early stage that products are refined based on consumer and distribution feedback. Often times the numbers of marketers are minimal in the introductory stage as the market is being developed. As a product finds its market and begins to gain acceptance, it moves into the Growth Stage of the product life cycle. The growth stage is where a product sees its sales volumes increase dramatically. At this stage in the product’s life, â€Å"new customers make initial purchases and early buyers repurchase. † (Boone Kurtz, 2006, p. 372) Early marketers find increased competition as their competitors enter the product space to share in the profits. Satellite television has entered into the growth market with the advent of the small dish. Early satellite television was mainly limited to rural areas that were inaccessible to cable television. The dishes were large and unattractive. As the technology has advances and the satellite dish has shrunk to less then twenty-four inches, consumers have rushed to the alternative to cable television. Satellite television marketers are continuing to refine their product in this growth stage. Recently, the top two providers of satellite television signed deals to provide affordable high-speed internet service. â€Å"For satellite-TV providers, the service is another way to offer a full line of products. † (AP, 2006) The growth stage is where marketers move from a heavy focus on information in advertising to a more persuasive approach. The persuasive approach allows the marketers to differentiate from competitors and encourage individuals to not be left behind. If the product space attracts multiple marketers, pricing, features and other differentiators are used in the advertising to help marketers gain or maintain market share. The Growth Stage of the product life cycle is complex and changing. Marketers rely on word-of-mouth, mass advertising and falling prices to sustain the momentum and interest in the product. The goal of the growth stage is to get reluctant buyers to buy and current customers to repurchase. As a product matures and growth stabilizes, the product moves in the Maturity Stage. Sales start to plateau and supply exceeds demand for the first time in the products life cycle. Competing marketers have flooded the field and profits begin to become depressed. All of these factors create pressure on marketers to continue their brands sustainability. Carbonated soft drinks are a very mature product. According to the American Beverage Association (ABA) the beginnings of the modern soda started in the 1830’s. (ABA, 2006) The ABA estimates that there are over 450 brands in the product space. The number of brands creates fierce competition for American’s 65 billion in annual purchases. Adverting in the mature stage of a product’s life is all about increasing purchases, differentiating your brand and finding new uses or markets for the product. In the soft drink space marketers try celebrity endorsements and product differentiation. 7-UP is â€Å"the un-cola†, trying to draw its distinction among more popular cola brands. Whatever approach the marketer takes in advertising, the goal is to extend the maturity stage and maintain profits for as long as possible. A product in the mature stage of the product life cycle does not indicate imminent demise. As illustrated above, soft drinks continue to command consumer’s dollars. Marketers will often look to new markets and changes in the product to extend the life of the product. One of the largest struggles for mature products is maintaining profits as competition drives down prices. As the product leaves maturity it enters the Decline Stage in the Product life cycle. A products decline is most often linked to new technologies. Marketers focus on reminding the remaining customers in the market that they are there for the consumer’s needs. Sales decline, profits decline and the product space eventually looses money. VCRs are a product on the decline in the United States. With the advance of DVDs and the reduction in price of DVRs, VCRs are loosing shelf space and market share. Marketers often times search for new markets as products decline in their existing markets. So while the United States and Europe may transition to a new technology, emerging economies may embrace the â€Å"older† and cheaper technology, thus extending the products life. Advertising a product in the stage of decline focuses on reminding the remaining consumer base the product still exists.

haile selassie Essay -- essays research papers

Haile Selassie   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Haile Selassie who was believed to be a descendant from the line of David by Solomon, was a symbol to the black man. He exhibited that the black man had the capacity to be strong. This image that Selassie provided, was contrary to what blacks saw in Ethiopia, despite, Ethiopia being a black nation that had been independent for thousands of years. As a result of his assumed decadency and what he embodied, both Ethiopian’s and Jamaican’s assigned him as their savior. Within â€Å"Classic Black Nationalism: From the American Revolution to Marcus Garvey†, Young illustrates how Selassie was able to transcend form Africa to Jamaica proving that he is the black Messiah.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  On November 2, 1930, Ras Tafari, at the age of thirty-seven, was crowned Emperor Haile Selassie I, King of Kings, Lord of Lords, Conquering Lion of the tribe of Judah. Form this point on, he ruled as Emperor of Ethiopia for the next forty-four years.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Haile Selassie accomplished many great things during his rein as Emperor of Ethiopia. Perhaps his most important contribution was his efforts to further the education of his people. â€Å"Education was pressed forward on all levels-primary, secondary, and at the university level† (Gorham 140). Selassie had also pushed for the abolition of slavery in the 1920s and made a new constitution in which the citizens attained the right to vote in 1958.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  ...

Old-Age Pension Reform in China

-aAvailable online at www. sciencedirect. com Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 74 – 87 www. elsevier. com/locate/jaging Old-age pension reform and modernization pathways: Lessons for China from Latin America Esteban Calvo ? , John B. Williamson Department of Sociology and Center for Retirement Research, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, MA 02467 USA Received 31 July 2006; received in revised form 26 January 2007; accepted 26 February 2007Abstract While numerous Western countries first experienced cultural rationalization, next economic modernization, and then faced the challenges of population aging and pension policy reform, both Latin America and China, in contrast, are dealing with these challenges in the context of much less developed economies and stronger traditional cultures. In this article we analyze old-age pension reform efforts in eight Latin American countries that have introduced funded defined contribution schemes with individual accounts.We are searching for ins ights about the potential success of similar reforms being implemented in China. All of these societies are organized primarily around the principles of family, reciprocity, loyalty and poverty. Our analysis suggests that these distinctive characteristics have important implications for the likely success of the reforms currently being implemented in China, particularly in four interrelated areas: coverage, compliance, transparency, and fiscal stability.  © 2007 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. Keywords: Pension reform; China; Latin America; Social Security; Culture; Economy; Rationalization . Introduction Latin America is a pioneer with respect to the shift from old-age pension schemes based on pay-as-you-go (PAYG) defined benefit models to schemes based all or in part on funded individual accounts. In 1981 Chile became the first nation to make the shift with the introduction of mandatory fully-funded privately managed individual retirement accounts (IRAs). Today there are 12 L atin American countries that have shifted to schemes influenced by the Chilean model (Gill, Packard, & Yermo, 2005; Kritzer, 2005). ? Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email  protected] du (E. Calvo), [email  protected] edu (J. B. Williamson). 0890-4065/$ – see front matter  © 2007 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. doi:10. 1016/j. jaging. 2007. 02. 004 On the opposite side of the earth, China is following a similar path, though the Chinese IRAs are currently publicly managed and remain largely unfunded (Jackson & Howe, 2004). Since 1995 China has introduced a number of reforms, the most important of which were promulgated in 1997 and 2000. By 2025, one quarter of the world's population aged 60 and over will be living in China (United Nations, 2005).For this reason the success or failure of the reform of China's old-age pension system will affect a major proportion of the world's elderly population (Williamson & Shen, 2004). In many respects the reforms in China have not been working out as had been intended. The major problems faced by the old-age pension reform in Latin America appear again in the newly introduced reforms in China. These problems include low coverage and compliance rates, poor transparency, and serious fiscal difficulties. E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 74–87 5 Our analysis tries to obtain insights about the potential consequences of reforms currently being introduced in China based on evidence from eight Latin American countries – Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, El Salvador, Mexico, Peru and Uruguay – that introduced some form of funded IRAs (partial privatization) between 1981 and 1998. Four other countries – Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, and Nicaragua – are not included because their reforms are so new, because they are not yet fully implemented, or due to the lack of information.Many differences can be found between the Latin Ameri can countries, and perhaps even more between them and China. For example, Latin American countries have undergone a variety of political regimes, but none of them has been close to Chinese communism. Differences acknowledged, our analysis emphasizes the major cultural and economic factors shared by the countries analyzed. We argue that the eight selected Latin American countries and China are strong traditional cultures and low-income economies characterized by the centrality of: (1) the family, (2) reciprocal relationships, (3) rules of loyalty, and (4) poverty.Our analysis highlights the role of these factors in shaping the unfolding of the pension reform process with respect to four areas: (1) coverage, (2) compliance, (3) transparency, and (4) fiscal stability. The role of the cultural and economic factors considered in this article has been largely overlooked in the literature on pension reform. Much of this literature focuses on political factors, such as the welfare state, co mmunism, and the World Bank policies (e. g. Esping-Andersen, 1996; Fox, 1997; Frazier, 2004; Myles & Pierson, 2001).In this article our focus is on Latin America and China, but we find it essential to make some comparisons with the Western European nations. The latter will be characterized as rationalized cultures and affluent economies displaying centrality of: (1) the institutions supporting elderly, (2) individual financial planning, (3) legality, and (4) wealth. Although a detailed analysis of Western European countries is beyond the scope of this paper, the comparison has important advantages.A comparative perspective calls attention to the factors shared by Latin America and China. In addition, the Western European nations constitute a reference point that can be used to provide all observers with a common frame through which to assess the pension reform in Latin America and from which to speculate about some of the challenges China will face in connection with pension changes currently being implemented. But above all, the comparison to Western European nations helps to uncover some of the nderlying assumptions of these pension reforms that do not entirely hold for Latin America and China. In a somewhat oversimplified formulation, these assumptions are: (1) preeminence of formal-institutional support systems of the elderly, (2) emphasis on individual responsibility for financial planning, (3) zealous attachment to the law, and (4) perception of old-age poverty as an isolated problem. Formulated in a more general way, we will argue that the reforms fail to account for some of the major cultural and economic characteristics shared by Latin America and China.Fig. 1 and Table 1 provide a brief summary of a number of key points that we have briefly introduced above, but more importantly they also serve as guide to much of the analysis which follows. 2. Modernization pathways Population aging and with it the associated problems of reforming the old-age pensio n systems are taking place around the world. However, the challenge of pension policy reform is context-specific. In Latin America and China, this challenge is framed in the context of a traditional culture and low income economy.This claim should be understood in relative or comparative terms: Latin America and China contrasted to the Western European nations. In this section we will use the construct â€Å"modernization pathway† to describe broad historical transformations of the culture and the economy that precede the old-age pension reform and are common to a number of countries. We will consider two modernization pathways, one that fits a number of Western European nations and a second which better fits China and Latin America. Both can be viewed as Weberian ideal types (Weber, 1949, 1958).They are not meant to correspond to all of the characteristics of any particular country, but rather to highlight common elements that play an important role in the pension policy ref orm acceptance and effectiveness. The Western Pathway is limited here to the Western European countries, though it may be – carefully – extended to a few Western countries outside Western Europe. Southern European countries (e. g. Spain, Portugal and Italy) are more culturally similar to Latin America and for this reason were excluded from the pathway described here.The United States was also excluded because its exceptionalism adds unnecessary complexity to the typology (Lipset, 1996). However, the United States shares many characteristics of the Western European nations and is also influencing the pension reform in Latin America and China, as proponents of 76 E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 74–87 Fig. 1. The challenge of population aging for the pension system has come through dissimilar modernization pathways. world system and dependency theories have pointed out repeatedly (Wallerstein, 2004).Culture is one important domain wh ere the Pathway of Latin America and China differs from the Western Pathway (Fig. 1). Latin America and China are both facing the challenge of population aging for their pension systems in the context of much stronger traditional cultures than found in the West. The Western Pathway, in contrast, is characterized by a deeply rationalized culture. According to Max Weber (1968) the process of rationalization tends to foster and to be associated with secularization and the view that everything is explainable by reason, at least in principle (Giddens, 1971; Kalberg, 1994; Lash & Whimster, 1987).In behavioral terms, rationality involves a second meaning: greater reliance on means-ends calculations designed to organize activity so as to more efficiently reach a particular goal. One indicator of the level of rationalization in a society is a strong and uncorrupt formal legal system which fosters a social order based in large measure on laws, not just traditional cultural practices. Fig. 2 s uggests that corruption levels are lower in Western European countries than in China and in most Latin American countries.Although a traditional culture may have a formal legal system, the social order may be less based on these laws than in Western countries (Sandholtz & Taagepera, 2005; Treisman, 2000). In China, for example, if there is a dispute between two families, rather than engage lawyers and courts, people may turn to spirit-mediums, respected in the community, familiarized with the parties involved and local history, and thus qualified to suggest solutions that are acceptable to both sides (Adler, 2002).Such evidence suggests that China and Latin America have not undergone as profound a rationalization process as have the Western European nations. Economy is a second important domain where the Pathway for Latin America and China differs from the Western Pathway (Fig. 1). In contrast to Western countries, Latin America and China are also facing the challenge of rapid popul ation aging before reaching high levels of national income. Despite rapid economic growth since the early 1980s, China is still a poor country.In 2001, more than 16% of the Chinese population was living on less than one dollar per day (World Bank, 2003). In Latin America, one-fifth of the total population lives in extreme poverty and almost half in poverty (ECLAC, 2004). Fig. 3 illustrates the recent trends in Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita of the Western Pathway in comparison to the trends for China and Latin America. While this data covers a very recent time period, it is consistent with and lends support to the Weberian idea that in Western Europe the rationalization process is followed by a prosperous capitalist economic development.Summing up, only after becoming rational and affluent societies do the Western countries start facing the challenge of a rapid population aging and the associated need for pension system reform. Clearly this is not the case of Latin America and China, which have Table 1 Modernization pathways and areas of challenge for old-age pension system reform China and Latin America1 Family (xiao) Reciprocity (chung) Loyalty (zhong) Poverty 1 Western Countries Institutions Individual Planning Legality Wealth Old-age pension reform Coverage Compliance Transparency Fiscal stabilityThe pinyin system of Romanization has been used for Chinese terms for Confucian virtues. E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 74–87 77 Fig. 2. Western countries are perceived as less corrupt than China and Latin America (Transparency International, 2005). much stronger traditional cultures and have not yet reached the Western European level of economic development (Fig. 1). However, these distinctive characteristics have received little attention in the design of pension reforms or in efforts to evaluate the efficacy of these reforms in Latin America and China (Gill et al. 2005; Holzmann & Hinz, 2005; Mesa-Lago, 2005; Wil liamson & Deitelbaum, 2005; World Bank, 1994, 1997). Many have argued that religion is one of the most important factors explaining the differences between Western Europe and China and Latin America (Cousino 1990; Cousino & Valenzuela, 1994; Morande, 1984; Weber , 1951, 1963, 2002). Chinese Confucianism and Latin American Marianism – the Catholic adoration of the Virgin Mary – have been said to lack the elements central to the Protestant ethic that would bring about an early and profound rationalization process and capitalist development.Max Weber posed the question: why did the modern West develop the way it did, and why did China not develop at the same time and in the same way as the West? He focused on a number of factors that distinguish European modernization from that of China arguing, for Fig. 3. The western pathway is characterized by wealth (International Monetary Fund (IMF), 2005). 78 E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 74– 87 example, that Western European countries were characterized by the separation of the productive enterprise from the household, while China was organized on the basis of extended kinship clans (Weber, 1961).But the most important difference Weber (1951, 1963, 2002) highlights is that between European Protestantism and Chinese Confucianism. Protestantism is based on an ethic that prompts an active attitude to change the world and places an emphasis on the individual. Confucianism is an ethic of adjustment to the world; it accepts things as they are and promotes a contemplative, mystical and passive attitude that tends to prolong ancient traditions. In this sense, Confucianism lacks the active tension that exists between Protestant religion and the world.That is, it lacked a â€Å"mentality† or â€Å"moral energy† suited for the early emergence of modern capitalism and a rationalized social order. Similarly to Weber's comparison of Confucianism to Protestantism, Latin American Sociologists contrast Marianism with Protestantism (Cousino, 1990; Cousino & Valenzuela, 1994; Morande, 1984). The â€Å"ethic† of Marianism is that of grace and mercy rather than individual merit and responsibility. Mary is viewed as a mother-like figure with compassionate attitude towards offenders and willingness to grant favors. She recompenses devotion with clemency and unmerited divine concessions.Accordingly, Marianism – as is the case with Confucianism – lacks the â€Å"moral energy† that would bring about a profound rationalization process and early capitalist development. Note that this is an historical argument. Hence, we are not arguing that China or Latin America can not develop (or will not at some point in the future) a rationalized culture or modern capitalism; rather, we are arguing that they did not do so before and in the same way as the West. Actually, between the 1960s and 1980s, Latin America and China were actively trying t o rationalize their cultures, though the results of these efforts were modest.The rationalization efforts in China and Latin America were driven by the desire to emulate the Western countries and not the same differentiated culture that drove the rationalization process in Western Europe. We will use the term â€Å"differentiated culture† to refer to a culture in which people are confronted with conflicting world views (e. g. , Protestant vs. Catholic) and contrast it with a traditional culture in which everyone shares basically the same world views and assumptions.A differentiated culture was found on Western Europe during the sixteenth century, when the Protestant Reformation and related religious controversies split the traditional Catholic unity of the region. A differ- entiated culture does not provide an adequate level of social integration and requires the creation of rational arrangements to assure social order (Cousino & Valenzuela, 1994). In Latin America and China the rationalization effort took place in the context of a less differentiated culture and as a result the rationalization process has been less pervasive in these regions than in West.For example, during the Cultural Revolution (1966– 1976) the traditional culture was harshly attacked in China: temples were destroyed and Confucianism was declared an outdated ideology and popular religion mere superstition. However, starting with the 1980s there is widespread evidence of a strong revival of traditional religious practices and beliefs (Adler 2002; Lagerwey, 2004; Overmyer, 2003). Temples are being re-built and devotion to local deities continues to thrive. Festivals, rituals, dances, processions, communication with supernatural beings, fengshui, and popular medicine are now part of ordinary life for any Chinese people. Altars for ancestors and patron deities are found in many households. Confucianism remains at the core of the cultural unity of China, albeit more as an ethical philosophy or system of thought than as a formal religion. Similarly, Latin America has not experienced the level of cultural differentiation found in Western Europe. Latin American Sociologists argue that Latin American culture remains integrated by the values and norms underlying â€Å"Marianism† (Cousino, 1990; Cousino & Valenzuela, 1994; Morande, 1984).Just to remind, these claims should be understood in comparative terms: Latin America and China are strong traditional cultures relative to the West. It is also important to note that numerous factors other than religion may have influenced the modernization pathways. However, describing these factors goes beyond the scope of this article. The point that we want to stress here is the disparity between the modernization pathways of China and Latin America as opposed to Western Europe.To summarize, for the countries under consideration there is a difference in the type of cultural and economic transformations that have preced ed the challenge of rapid population aging and the associated need for pension reform. There has also been a difference in the timing of these processes. While numerous Western countries first experienced cultural rationalization, next economic modernization, and then faced the challenges of population aging and pension policy reform, both Latin America and China are dealing with these challenges in the context of much less developed economies and stronger traditional cultures (Fig. ). E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 74–87 79 3. Pension reform in low-income traditional societies Latin America and China both have traditional cultures and low-income economies. As defined here, a â€Å"traditional culture† is organized around three principles: family, reciprocity, and loyalty. In comparison, a â€Å"rationalized culture† is organized around institutions, planning, and legality. In this case the traditional cultures are also low-incom e economies characterized by poverty while the rationalized cultures are developed economies characterized by ealth (Table 1). Note that the separation of traditional and rational does not imply that traditional cultures are irrational. Conflicting principles can coexist in the same culture, but typically one has preeminence over the other. Drawing evidence from Latin America, in this section we argue that the modernization pathway preceding the aging challenge in China will shape the challenge to the old-age pension system reform in four interrelated areas: coverage, compliance, transparency, and fiscal stability (Table 1).Coverage: old-age pension institutions and family The effects of the pension reform on coverage rates in Latin America have been largely discussed in previous literature (Arenas de Mesa, 2000; ECLAC, 2006; Gill et al. , 2005; Jimenez & Cuadros, 2003; Mesa-Lago, 2004; Packard, 2002). There is not much agreement about what measure of coverage should be used. Howeve r, regardless of the indicator used, for most of the countries analyzed a substantial fraction of the popula- tion is left without coverage (Table 2).For a detailed discussion of the reason for the discrepancies between these various indicators see Rofman (2005). As with Latin America, a large fraction of the Chinese population is left without coverage. About two-thirds of Chinese workers live in rural areas and in those areas only about 11% of these workers are covered by a formal-institutional pension system. Coverage goes up to 55% of the workforce in urban areas, although even this level of coverage is insufficient by Western standards. Overall, three out of four Chinese workers have no pension coverage at all (Jackson & Howe 2004).It is generally agreed by most Chinese policymakers that it is not feasible at this point in time to extend coverage by the formal-institutional old-age pension institutions to the vast Chinese rural population, despite the high level of rural old-age poverty (Williamson & Shen, 2004). Based on analogous pension reform efforts in a number of Latin American countries, it does not seem likely that current reform efforts in China are going to substantially increase coverage any time soon (Arenas de Mesa, 2000; ECLAC, 2006; Gill et al. 2005; Jimenez & Cuadros, 2003; Mesa-Lago, 2004; Packard, 2002). Today most Chinese rely heavily on family networks for support. According to the 2000 census data, about two-thirds of those age 65 and over live with their children (Table 3). This tendency is particularly strong for elderly women living in rural areas. The lack of formal-institutional pension coverage for most elderly Chinese and the evidence from Latin America suggesting that coverage may not substantially increase any time soon, leads us to the conclusion that in ChinaTable 2 In Latin America pension system reform has left a substantial fraction of the population without coverage a Country Coverage before the reform Coverage after the reform Contributors/economically active population (year) Chile Argentina Mexico Uruguay Colombia Peru El Salvador Bolivia a b Other indicators of coverage after the reform Contributors/economically Contributors/employed Contributors/wageBenficiaries/population active population b (2002) persons b (2000–2003) earners b (2000–2003) age 65+ c (2000–2003) 0. 58 0. 26 0. 33 0. 45 0. 18 0. 12 0. 22 0. 11 0. 63 0. 40 d 0. 39 0. 65 d – 0. 14 0. 32 0. 11 0. 77 0. 55 d 0. 2 0. 79 d – 0. 31 0. 53 0. 29 0. 64 0. 68 d 0. 19 0. 87 d 0. 19 0. 24 0. 15 0. 15 0. 64 (1980) 0. 50 (1994) 0. 37 (1997) 0. 32 (1997) 0. 32 (1993) 0. 31 (1993) 0. 26 (1996) 0. 12 (1996) Adapted from AIOS, 2005; Mesa-Lago, 2005; and Rofman, 2005. These measurements could overestimate coverage for workers doing sporadic contributions, or underestimate coverage for workers not doing contributions but covered by non-contributory pensions. c This measurement could underestimate coverage for sp ouses of beneficiaries, for individuals who continue working and delayed the benefits, and individuals receiving non-contributive benefits. Information for urban areas. 80 E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 74–87 Table 3 The majority of Chinese elders live with their children1 Rural Urban Rural-urban combined Males Living alone 8. 7 7. 7 8. 4 With spouse only 26. 3 33. 7 28. 8 With spouse and other, not with children 0. 7 0. 8 0. 7 With spouse and children 36. 5 39. 0 37. 4 With children, not with spouse 25. 6 16. 8 22. 6 With others, not with spouse and 1. 9 1. 3 1. 7 children Institution 0. 3 0. 7 0. 4 Grand total 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 Subtotal of living with spouse 63. 73. 5 66. 9 Subtotal of living with children 62. 1 55. 8 59. 9 Females Living alone 9. 8 12. 4 10. 7 With spouse only 17. 9 21. 3 19. 1 With spouse and other, not with children 0. 3 0. 6 0. 4 With spouse and children 22. 8 21. 7 22. 4 With children, not with spouse 48. 1 42. 6 46. 2 With others, not with spouse and 0. 9 1. 0 0. 9 children Institution 0. 2 0. 4 0. 3 Grand total 100. 0 100. 0 100. 0 Subtotal of living with spouse 41. 0 43. 6 41. 9 Subtotal of living with children 70. 9 64. 4 68. 7 1 of the family in the Latin American culture.There is no reason to expect a different outcome in China. The Confucian ethic of filial piety (xiao) involves respect, obedience, gratitude and the obligation to reciprocate for parents having given us life and, in comparison to the Western countries, this ethic remains very strong in China (Gu & Liang, 2000; Sung, 2000). It has been motivating children to take care of their elderly parents for centuries and will probably continue to play a role for care for the elderly long into the future (Zeng & Wang, 2003), though increasingly in combination with formal old-age pension institutions.The assumption made by some analysts that the family support system is going to break down places the Chinese case into a conceptual fram ework better suited to the Western Pathway. But that framework overlooks the fact that China continues to be a traditional culture and it limits policymakers to considering individualized ways to support retirees, relegating the family network of support to a secondary role in the policy debate about the reform. Compliance: individual financial planning and reciprocity Closely related to the coverage problem are low compliance rates and low contribution densities.One goal of the pension reform in Latin America has been to improve incentives for workers to participate in the system and to increase personal contributions to their funded accounts. A strengthened â€Å"equivalence principle† (a linkage between contributions and pension benefits) was expected to get workers to view their contributions as investments or savings rather than as a tax. This in turn was expected to increase the incentive for participating and contributing to the system (World Bank, 1994).However, the e vidence from Latin American does not point to any such trend (Gill et al. , 2005; Jimenez & Cuadros, 2003; Mesa-Lago, 2004; Packard, 2002; Rofman, 2005). Evidence presented in Table 4 shows that compliance rates have actually decreased in Latin America suggesting that IRAs are not having the expected impact on the incentive to contribute. It is generally agreed both in Latin America and in China that some segments of the population are particularly reluctant to contribute.For example, workers in rural areas, workers in the informal sector of the economy, and low-wage workers choose savings options other than IRAs, such as housing and the education of their children (ECLAC, 2006; Gill et al. , 2005; Kritzer, 2000; Mesa-Lago, 2004; Packard, 2001; Rofman, 2005). Living arrangements for Chinese population aged 65 and over, rural urban comparison, year 2000. Adapted from Zeng & Wang, 2003. family support is likely to remain the primary source of old-age security during the foreseeable fu ture, at least in rural areas, where there is virtually no pension coverage.On the other hand, the projected demographic change for China gives us reason to questions the efficacy of the traditional family support system for meeting the economic needs of tomorrow's Chinese elderly (Gubhaju & Moriki-Durand, 2003; Zeng & Wang, 2003). In 1970, the Chinese elderly were outnumbered by children six to one, but by 2040 there will be two elderly people for every child (UN 2003). This projected demographic change will place great strain in the traditional family support system and suggests that the need for old-age pensions is going to be increasing.It is clear that the Chinese elderly will not be able to rely solely on family arrangements (Friedman, James, Kane, & Queisser, 1996; World Bank, 1997). Nonetheless, it is also true that family support networks will continue to play a very important role for many of the elderly. Examination of recent pension reform efforts in Latin America sugges t that the family performs a crucial function as a source of support and protection for the elderly, given the limited coverage of the pension system in the region (ECLAC, 2004) and the centrality E.Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 74–87 Table 4 Compliance rates have declined in Latin America a Country Argentina Bolivia Chile Colombia b El Salvalor Mexico c Peru Uruguay 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 48. 9 – 52. 8 – 67. 2 63. 4 45. 6 67. 4 44. 3 – 53. 4 51. 6 63. 8 60. 2 45. 7 58. 7 39. 1 – 50. 9 48. 5 53. 5 57. 9 41. 7 53. 9 29. 0 47. 0 53. 7 48. 7 53. 2 44. 7 41. 2 53. 2 33. 2 46. 9 51. 0 47. 6 47. 6 41. 7 39. 4 45. 1 35. 2 39. 0 51. 9 48. 7 46. 3 39. 3 41. 9 52. 7 35. 4 44. 9 50. 4 49. 5 41. 9 38. 39. 9 52. 5 40. 3 47. 5 51. 2 50. 6 39. 5 37. 6 36. 2 55. 7 81 a Percentage of affiliates who contributed in the past month to IRAs, December 1998–2005. Source: Mesa-Lago, 2005; and AIOS, 2005. b In 1993†“2003 contributor was an affiliate who had at least one contribution in the last six months. c In 1993–2003 contributor was an affiliate who had at least one contribution in the past two months. Why might these groups avoid contributions to a reformed old-age pension system if it is clearly strengthened with respect to the equivalence principle?We will focus on explanations connected to the modernization pathway preceding the reform. One potential explanation is that individuals are â€Å"irrational†; not contributing to the IRA reveals a myopic behavior or short planning horizon (Valdes-Prieto, 2002). Here we offer an alternative explanation: the preference for the education of one's children and housing over IRAs is a â€Å"rational† behavior for an individual in a traditional culture and in a low-income economy, where the family is a strong social unit organized around reciprocity and affected by poverty.What is considered rational in Latin America and Chin a may not be considered rational from the perspective of the Western Pathway. Numerous studies in Latin America conclude that contributing to the IRAs is too costly, particularly for low-income workers who struggle to meet immediate basic needs for survival and face the pressing consumption needs of their families (Barr & Packard, 2000; Gill et al. , 2005; Jimenez & Cuadros, 2003; Kritzer, 2000; Mesa-Lago, 2004; Packard, 2002). In Fig. 4 we present aggregate data that points to a similar trend.We see that compliance rates tend to increase as GDP per capita increases, despite evidence of some variation between nations in similar GDP per capita ranges (e. g. Mexico versus Uruguay). At the cultural level, contributing to an IRA could disrupt the cycle of reciprocity inside a family. By investing in housing and childhood education, wealth is shared and transferred among generations in a permanent cycle of giving, receiving, and returning (Bataille, 1998; Mauss, 1967), a dynamic that ass ures family support at older ages.Summing up, in a lowincome economy and a culture where reciprocity has primacy over individual financial planning, a strengthened equivalence principle is likely to have little impact on a worker's propensity to contribute to the system. As with Latin-Americans, the Chinese are severely affected by poverty and tend to show a lack of enthusiasm for IRAs (Zhao & Xu, 2002), but support for the principle of reciprocity inside the family (Bengston & Putney, 2000; Gu & Liang, 2000; Sung, 2000). Therefore, it is reasonable to hypothesize that a stronger equivalence principle is an insufficient incentive for Chinese workers to contribute.Two caveats should be mentioned when assessing ways to increase compliance rates in China. First, while the value placed on reciprocity is associated with what we call an â€Å"ethic of family savings† in China, in Latin American it occurs within an â€Å"ethic of ritual spending of wealth† (Cousino, 1990; Cou sino & Valenzuela, 1994; Fig. 4. Coverage is larger in wealthier countries (International Monetary Fund (IMF), 2005; Transparency International, 2005). 82 E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 74–87 Morande, 1984).In Latin America, reciprocity is extended beyond the family to God and nature. For example, a profuse harvest is comprehended as a gift of nature or a favor from God. The spontaneous reaction of people is to greet the benefactor with sacrifices or to spend part of the wealth received in a celebration. The popular belief is that human efforts cannot succeed without luck or divine support. This belief is confirmed in Latin American semantics, where the concepts â€Å"earning† and â€Å"winning† are indistinct: you win a wage as you win a lottery.This example illustrates Latin Americans' predisposition to spend and share wealth as if it were a prize. Individual financial planning is not based on this type of reasoning where wealt h is often attributed to God or the earth. Such behavior is more typical in cultures that attribute the origin of wealth to human work. In Chinese culture this link seems to be stronger, perhaps because land is more highly regulated and is perceived as a particularly scarce resource.The Chinese more readily save wealth than Latin-Americans, though savings may be for children's prosperity and perpetuating the principle of reciprocity. Even Chinese individuals living in foreign countries, where changes in the family support patterns are more prevalent, tend to sacrifice part of their personal gain for the well-being of their family (Lan, 2002; Wong, Yoo, & Stewart, 2006). The fact that the equivalence principle could be strengthened a lot more in China constitutes a second caveat when assessing ways to increase compliance rates (Dorn, 2004; Zhao & Xu, 2002).China has formally based its old-age pension system reform, at least in part, on funded IRAs; but in actual practice these IRAs a re often closer to the NDC (notional [or unfunded] defined contribution) model than to the funded defined contribution model (Williamson & Deitelbaum, 2005). The NDC model (also referred to as the Non-Financial Defined Contribution model) is explicated in detail elsewhere (Holzmann & Palmer 2006; Williamson, 2004; Williamson & Zheng, 2003).IRAs have been set up and a record is being kept of what has been contributed, but the government routinely diverts money from IRAs to pay pensions to the currently retired. The discrepancy between pension policy as described in government documents and what happens in actual practice, has the unintended effect of contributing to distrust and discouraging both participation and compliance. Fig. 5 suggests that transparency and credibility (high CPI scores) are associated with higher compliance rates.Corruption levels in China are similar to those of Argentina and Peru, and most likely have a negative effect on compliance rates. Transparency: legal ity and loyalty The privatization reforms in Latin America were designed to provide pension systems with a high degree of resistance to political manipulation (World Bank, 1994). However, the economic crisis in Argentina that started in the late 1990s has been attributed in part to the deficit created by the old-age pension reform and poor management of the funds (Bertranou, Rofman, & Grushka, 2003; Matijascic & Kay, 2006; Mesa-Lago, 2004).Argentina deferred its debt by selling bonds to the fund management companies. This risky behavior illustrates that the new funded systems are not immune to political manipulation and that it is important to invest in asset classes other than just government bonds. The Fig. 5. Coverage is larger in countries with better CPI score (less corrupt) (International Monetary Fund (IMF), 2005; Transparency International, 2005). E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 74–87 83 case of Bolivia is another good example.Loose reg ulations led to fraudulent interpretations of the rules for the transition, contributing to higher than expected costs (Dowers, Fassina, & Pettinato, 2001; Escobar & Nina, 2004; Gill et al. , 2005). On the other hand, Chile's better coverage can be attributed, at least in part, to its lower level of corruption. Fig. 2 shows the disparity in levels of corruption between Chile and other Latin American countries. Chile has a CPI score closer to Belgium and France, while Argentina and Bolivia have the lowest scores.China also has low CPI scores; this may foreshadow problems with corruption in the funded component of the Chinese pension system. As discussed earlier, a strong and clean legal system is an indicator of rationalization. A rationalized set of laws is needed when traditional behaviors are unable to provide sufficient social order. In traditional cultures, â€Å"loyalty† upholds order to a greater extent than â€Å"legality† and leads people to provide favors and preferential treatment to friends or relatives.When a morality based on personal relationships and favors is extended to public institutions, such as the pension system, corruption is a high risk (corruption is a judgment made from the reference point of legality). Accordingly, in a traditional culture, the shift from family support to the support of a formal-institutional pension system – either with or without IRAs – is prone to corruption. China is particularly vulnerable to corruption for several reasons (Sandholtz Taagepera, 2005).First, loyalty (zhong) is a longstanding Confucian virtue that permeates all social relationships (Adler, 2002). Second, mechanisms that facilitate regulation and supervision of the pension system have been slow to emerge (Holzmann & Hinz, 2005). Third, funds are typically invested with low public transparency in a context where there is too much money for too few opportunities (Holzmann & Hinz, 2005; Williamson & Shen, 2004). Fourth, th e money is collected, administered, and owned by the government (Dorn, 2004; Jackson & Howe, 2004; Holzmann & Hinz, 2005).Consequently, separating these roles, diversifying the investment opportunities, carefully establishing and legitimating the regulatory system, creating technical organizations of supervision, and enabling greater public access to information about fund management are all much needed steps in Chinese pension reform. Fiscal stability: economic growth and poverty reduction One of the major political selling points for the partial privatization of pension schemes has been governments' difficulty with financing the increasing pension burden associated with prior PAYG defined benefit schemes.Therefore, the fiscal stability of the new systems is fundamental to the credibility of the reforms (Dowers et al. , 2001; Gill et al. , 2005). In Latin America the fiscal burden has remained substantial, though it may have been even higher, particularly in future decades, without recent reforms. The shift to partial privatization typically calls for some form of â€Å"double payments†: payments associated to the new system, but also payments recognizing benefits and contributions for those participating in the old system (Jimenez & Cuadros, 2003; Mesa-Lago, 2000).The transition costs associated with these reforms have typically turned out to be much larger and are currently projected to last much longer than had originally been expected. Permanent costs may also increase: low rates of compliance could force the government to aid more people than initially anticipated through the minimum pension guarantee and social assistance pensions. For the region as a whole the cost of social security and social assistance taken together increased from 5. 2% of the GDP in 1990–1991 to 7. % in 2002–2003 (ECLAC, 2006). These costs are likely to be high in China as well. Fiscal difficulties have been a problem affecting the Chinese old-age pension syst em since the 1980s (Jackson & Howe, 2004; Whiteford, 2003; Williamson & Deitelbaum, 2005). Previously, State-Owned-Enterprises (SOEs) were responsible for providing pensions to their retired employees. In the 1980s the finances of the SOEs became deeply strained by the transition to a market economy and the governments' decision to stop subsidizing them.Without government support and with a declining number of workers, SOEs faced serious difficulties in providing pensions for their former workers. In response to this problem, the Chinese government has called for municipal pooling of pension obligations and contributions. This reform largely shifted the financial crisis from SOEs to the municipalities. With the 1997 reforms, the pension burden, previously shifted from the SOEs to the municipalities, was in part returned to the central government.China's long history of fiscal problems in its pension system and the evidence of pervasive fiscal problems associated with the new privati zation related reforms in Latin America suggest that the pension related fiscal burden will continue to be a major challenge for pension reformers in China. China's weak fiscal situation in the years preceding recent reforms raises concerns about how the nation will deal with the impending cost of the transition. Fig. 6 illustrates the fiscal situation of Chile, Argentina, and 84 E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 74–87 Fig. 6.The fiscal strength prior to the reform is key to overstep its costs. China in the years preceding the privatization related reforms. Argentina dramatically underestimated the cost of the transition, and during its recent economic crisis paid a heavy price for this mistake. In Chile the transition cost was also very high (about 5. 7% of annual GDP during the 1980s and 1990s), but the general fiscal surplus was very helpful in dealing with this burden (Gill et al. , 2005; Mesa-Lago, 2000). Fig. 6 shows that China is in a comp aratively weak position to handle the fiscal pressures of the reform.Finding a way to finance the pension system is a problem for most countries around the world, but this problem becomes particularly acute for low-income countries, such as China and those in Latin America. However, there is an important difference between China and Latin America. The Chinese government has called for a new pension system that is based in part on funded IRAs, but due to lack of alternative ways to raise the money needed to pay promised pensions to those who are currently retired, these â€Å"funded† accounts are today for the most part unfunded.The money has been used, typically by the local government to pay pensions to those who are already retired, leaving little more than electronic records in the accounts of individual workers specifying that they have made specific â€Å"contributions† to their account and the level of the unfunded balances in those accounts. In practice, China i s using a variant of â€Å"notional accounts† as a financing strategy for the pension system (Williamson, 2004; Williamson & Shen, 2004; Williamson & Zheng, 2003).The discrepancy between the formal structure of the program and what is actually going on must be contributing to mistrust of the government and to a lack of confidence in the pension system. It must also be reducing the incentive to contribute and increasing the incentive to evade paying into the scheme. However, there are advantages to the NDC model when properly designed as the model does help to spread the transition costs over more age cohorts and it does tend to reduce administrative costs.Low-income countries face difficulties as they try to balance the aims of fostering economic growth and poverty reduction as they reform their pension schemes. It is generally assumed that the main objective for an old-age pension system is to provide at least some financial security for the elderly. In those countries with many elderly in or at risk of poverty, the need for income redistribution becomes particularly salient. Minimum and non-contributive pensions can be used to help with redistribution and poverty reduction, but they do not maximize the equivalence principle and do increase the cost of the system (Gill et al. 2005; Holzmann & Hinz, 2005; Jimenez & Cuadros, 2003; Johnson & Williamson, 2006; Matijascic & Kay, 2006; Mesa-Lago, 2004). 4. Conclusion While numerous Western countries first experienced cultural rationalization, then economic modernization, and after that faced the challenges of population aging, both Latin America and China are dealing with pension system reforms in the context of much stronger traditional cultures and less developed economies (Fig. 1).The analysis presented in this article suggests that these distinctive characteristics have shaped the consequences of the reforms in Latin America and will likely do so in China. Specific challenges arise in the context of a tr aditional culture and a low-income economy where society is organized around the principles of family, reciprocity, loyalty, and poverty (Table 1). One of the most predictable challenges will be the coverage problem. Most Chinese elderly are not covered by formal old-age pension E. Calvo, J. B.Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 74–87 85 institutions and currently rely only on traditional family support. There is no evidence from the Latin American countries that have introduced pension reforms calling for partial privatization suggesting that coverage for the Chinese system is likely to approach universality in the foreseeable future. Therefore, the family unit, the traditional source of well-being at older ages, seems likely to continue being the major pillar of the old-age security, particularly in rural areas.However, in the decades ahead the Chinese elderly will with increasing frequency find that their families are not in a position to provide the needed sup port. The need for formalinstitutional pension coverage will be increasing rapidly in the years ahead. A key question will be whether the recent reforms calling for partial privatization will in the end undermine or strengthen traditional family networks of support and filial piety. Low compliance rates are another major challenge for China. Although incentives to contribute have improved, the current low compliance rates point to a preference for old-age security based on reciprocity (e. . investments on children's education) rather than individual financial planning. Strengthening the equivalence principle that links contributions and benefits could stimulate compliance for some. Nevertheless, those used to living in poverty, particularly in rural areas, may resist efforts to encourage individual financial planning and may prefer to sacrifice part of their modest wealth for the family. It would make sense for policy makers to adjust incentives in such a way as to take into conside ration historical, cultural, and contextual factors.Corruption and lack of transparency aggravate the coverage and compliance problems and constitute yet another challenge for the Chinese reforms. Where loyalty has primacy over legality, corruption and lack of transparency are likely outcomes. Favors are expected in a traditional culture, but such favors are considered corruption in a modern institutional context. Carefully designing, fully legitimating, and cautiously implementing the regulatory system and supervisory institutions are important steps to improve transparency and credibility.Another foreseeable challenge for the Chinese reform is the fiscal burden. How to finance the reform and to balance the objectives of economic growth and poverty reduction are major questions almost everywhere, but low-income countries such as China face additional difficulties. The empty IRAs, which were supposed to accumulate funds, are likely to increase distrust of government and of governmen t sponsored old-age security schemes. It might make sense for Chinese policy makers to introduce a system based on unfunded defined contribution accounts at least until it is clear that ational financial markets and administrative structures are ready for the demands of a partially privatized social security system. The nations in Latin America under consideration here have not succeeded with respect to coverage and compliance. In addition, transparency and fiscal stability are far from certain. This evidence suggests that without some major changes in the current policy direction, China may be headed for potentially serious pension policy problems in these four areas. The modernization pathway preceding old-age pension reform in China will likely shape the process and outcomes in these four areas.Chinese policymakers might well benefit from a close analysis of the flaws that are starting to become clear in connection with the new partially funded pension schemes that have been intr oduced in Latin America in recent years. Acknowledgments The authors acknowledge partial financial support for this project from the Center for Retirement Research at Boston College. 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Washington, DC: InterAmerican Development Bank. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). (2004). Social Panorama of Latin America, 2004. Santiago, Chile: ECLAC. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC). (2006). Shaping the Future of Social Protection: Access, Financing and Solidarity. Santiago, Chile: ECLAC. Escobar, F. , & Nina, O. (2004). A Pension Reform in Bolivia: A Review of Approach and Experience. Study No.GI–E6. La Paz, Bolivia: Grupo Integral. Esping-Andersen, G. (Ed. ). (1996). Welfare States in Transition: National Adaptations in Global Economies. London, UK: Sage Publications. Fox, L. (1997). Pension reform in the post-communist transition economies. In J. M. Nelson, L. Walker, & C. Tilly (Eds. ), Transforming Post-Communist Political Economies (pp. 370? 384). Washington, DC: National Research Council. Frazier, M. W. (2004). After pension reform: Navigatin g the ‘third rail’ in China. Studies in Comparative International Development, 39(2), 45? 70. Friedman, B. L. , James, E. , Kane, C. & Queisser, M. (1996). How Can China Provide Income Security for its Rapidly Aging Population? Policy Research Working Paper, Vol. 1674. Washington, DC: World Bank. Giddens, A. (1971). Capitalism and Modern Social Theory: An analysis of the Writings of Marx, Durkheim and Max Weber. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gill, I. , Packard, T. , & Yermo, J. (2005). Keeping the Promise of Social Security in Latin America. Washington, DC: World Bank and Stanford University Press. Gu, S. , & Liang, J. (2000). China: Population aging and old age support. In V. Bengtson, K. Kim, G. Myers, & K.Eun (Eds. ), Aging in East and West: Families, States, and the Elderly (pp. 59? 94). New York: Springer Publishing Company. Gubhaju, B. , & Moriki-Durand, Y. (2003). Below-replacement fertility in East and Southeast Asia: Consequences and policy responses. Journal of Population Research, 20(1), 1? 18. Holzmann, R. , & Hinz, R. (2005). Old-Age Income Support in the 21st Century: An International Perspective on Pension Systems and Reform. Washington, DC: World Bank. Holzmann, R. , & Palmer, E. (Eds. ). (2006). Pension Reform: Issues and Prospects for Non-financial Defined Contribution (NDC) Schemes.Washington, DC: World Bank. International Monetary Fund (IMF). (2005). World Economic Outlook Database – September 2005. IMF Retrieved September-December, 2005 (http://imf. org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2005/02/data/index. htm) Jackson, R. , & Howe, N. (2004). The Graying of the Middle Kingdom. Washington, DC: Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS) and Prudential Foundation. Jimenez, L. F. , & Cuadros, J. (2003). Evaluacion de las Reformas a los Sistemas de Pensiones: Cuatro Aspectos Criticos y Sugerencias de Politicas. Serie Financiamiento del Desarrollo, Vol. 131. Santiago, Chile: CEPAL.E. Calvo, J. B. Williamson / Journal of Aging Studies 22 (2008) 74–87 Valdes-Prieto, S. (2002). Justifying Mandatory Savings for Old Age. Background Paper for Regional Study on Social Security Reform. Washington, DC: World Bank. Wallerstein, I. (2004). World-Systems Analysis: An Introduction. Durham, NC: Duke Univ Press. Weber, M. (1949 [1903? 1917]). The Methodology of the Social Sciences. Edited and translated by E. A. Shils and H. A. Finch. Foreword by E. A. Shils. Glencoe, IL: Free Press. Weber, M. (1951 [1916]). The Religion of China: Confucianism and Taoism. Translated by H. H. Gerth.Glencoe, IL: Free Press. Weber, M. (1958 [1947]). From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology. Edited, translated, and with introduction by H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills. New York: Oxford University Press. Weber, M. (1961 [1927]). General Economic History. Translated by F. H. Knight. New York: Collier Books. Weber, M. (1963 [1921]). The Sociology of Religion. Translated by E. Fischoff. Introduction by T. Parsons. Boston, MA: Beacon Pr ess. Weber, M. (1968 [1921]). Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology. 2 vols. Edited by G. Roth and C. Wittich. Translated by E. Fischoff. New York: Bedminster Press.Weber, M. (2002 [19041905]). The Protestant Ethic and the â€Å"Spirit† of Capitalism and Other Writings. Edited, translated, and with introduction by P. Baehr and G. C. Wells. New York: Penguin Books. Whiteford, P. (2003). From enterprise to social protection. Pension reform in China. Global Social Policy, 3(1), 45? 77. Williamson, J. (2004). Assessing the pension reform potential of a notional defined contribution pillar. International Social Security Review, 57(1), 47? 64. 87 Williamson, J. , & Deitelbaum, C. (2005). Social security reform: Does partial privatization make sense for China?Journal of Aging Studies, 19(2), 257? 271. Williamson, J. , & Shen, C. (2004). Do notional defined contribution accounts make sense as part of the old-age security mix for China? 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China's urban pension system: Reforms and problems. The C ato Journal, 21(3), 395? 415.

The Emulation of Art ; Life

In all walks of everyday life, lessons and experiences are collected in hopes to use them in future scenarios. Many writers throughout history have said they have used these occurrences in their work. At various point in life situations arise in which decisions must be made and once the choice is being carried out, there comes a point when one cannot go back and change course. This inability to revert one’s path is called the â€Å"Point of No Return. † In other instances the use of geography may not only be viewed literally but also serve as a metaphor.There are also periods when isolation has an effect on the behavior of an individual. Point of no return, use of geographic surroundings and isolation are concepts used in all of the following works: Francis Ford Coppola’s Apocalypse Now (Now), William Faulkner’s â€Å"A Rose for Emily† (A Rose), and Tim O’Brien’s â€Å"The Things They Carried† (Things). In these three pieces one shall see not only the ideas of â€Å"Point of No Return† (PNR), geographic surroundings, and isolation, but the notion of art imitating life. Foremost, PNR comes in a variety of ways for each of the many characters we encounter in these adventures.In Now, we see Willard’s PNR towards the end of the film after he has arrived at Kurtz’s compound. As he sits in the darkness, Chef’s decapitated head is thrust into his lap. Without Chef to aid him, Willard realizes he is truly on his own. In order to escape Kurtz’s world intact, he must complete his mission alone. In the case of Emily’s manservant in â€Å"A Rose,† the PNR is depicted after the death of Emily. â€Å"The negro met the first of the ladies at the front door and let them in, with their hushed, sibilant voices and their quick, curious glances, and then he disappeared.He walked right through the house and out the back and was not seen again. † (Faulkner, pg. 7) The mans ervant is aware of the truth of Emily’s dark life which shall soon be exposed to all and does not want to be in the vicinity when it happens. For Lt. Cross in â€Å"Things†, the PNR occurs following Ted Lavender being shot and killed. â€Å"It wouldn’t help Lavender, he knew that, but from this point on he would comport himself as a soldier. † (O’Brien, 13) After this tragic event, a transformation in the Lt. ’s attitude towards the remaining men occurs. On the morning after Ted Lavender died, First Lieutenant Jimmy Cross crouched at the bottom of his foxhole and burned Martha’s letters. † (O’Brien, 12) His feelings of love for Martha have also been replaced by an emotion resembling anger. Given these examples, PNR is present in each one of these accounts. The use of geography can be interpreted in numerous ways. As the men in Now make their way into the depths of the jungle, the Nyung River gradually becomes narrow. Slow ly the soldiers are picked off one by one. The group begins to diminish, as does the width of the waterway.Another use of geographic surroundings is found in Faulkner’s work. His description of Emily’s home and its location demonstrate the similarity in her temperament. â€Å"But garages and cotton gins had encroached and obliterated even the august names of that neighborhood; only Miss Emily’s house was left, lifting its stubborn and coquettish decay above the cotton wagons and the gasoline pumps- -an eyesore among eyesores. † (Faulkner, pg. 1) Although modern technology is progressing all around her traditional neighborhood, and the South for that matter, she stubbornly refuses to adapt.The geography is split into both literal and metaphoric ways in â€Å"Things. † â€Å"They carried the land itself. Vietnam, the place, the sod- a powdery orange-red dust that covered their boots and fatigues and faces. They carried the sky. The whole atmosphere, they carried it, the humidity, the monsoons, the stink of fungus and decay, all of it, they carried gravity. † (O’Brien, pg. 7) Not only did the soldiers carry the soil of Vietnam on their boots but they carried the experiences of Vietnam in their minds. All of the tangible and idealistic aspects of being in a war-torn country are what these souls carried.Geography used by these storytellers create a world which not only can be seen but be felt deep within. Lastly, the third concept found in each of these works is isolation. A wise man once said, â€Å"The true character of a person is revealed once they think no one is watching. † (A. Mancha) This becomes evident in NOW when the three remaining men have reached Kurtz’s dwelling. In front of the natives, Kurtz is God-like in his demeanor. However, inside the temple and away from his worshipers, Willard sees what lies beneath Kurtz, a man. A man who poetically writes the horrors of what he has seen, done a nd become.Willard becomes conscious of Kurtz’s desire and anticipation of his own death. â€Å"Everybody wanted me to do it, him most of all. I felt like he was up there, waiting for me to take the pain away. He just wanted to go out like a soldier, standing up, not like some poor, wasted, rag-assed renegade. Even the jungle wanted him dead, and that's who he really took his orders from anyway. † Kurtz is aware of Willard’s mission and welcomes it. In â€Å"A Rose,† the segregation of Emily from society, enforced by her father â€Å"clutching a horsewhip† (Faulkner, pg3), played a major role in Emily’s lack of emotional and mental development. On a tarnished gilt easel before the fireplace stood a crayon portrait of Miss Emily’s father. †(Faulkner, pg. 2) Although Emily is of adult age she still remains much like a child as she uses crayons to create her father’s portrait. The isolation seen in â€Å"Things† comes in form of the deployment of the soldiers.These men are stripped from everything they know, from the families they love to the climates they are familiar with. â€Å"The things they carried were largely determined by necessity. † (O’Brien, pg. ) The men have replaced these elements with items each soldier deems essential for survival. This is not limited to weapons and food but also pictures, books and other mementos from home. As one can see, Coppola, Faulkner, and O’Brien’s works reflect abstract and concrete notions of art imitating life. By using PNR, geography and isolation, these men were able to illustrate their points on a deep and abysmal level. The impact these works have had on society are invaluable and because of their timeless nature will continue to influence artists throughout the years.

African American Theater

African American Theater Introduction Dramatic performances have been prevalent in many parts of the world for a long period of time. These artistic performances entail several aspects that reflect on a community’s point of view regarding certain societal elements. African American theater is a typical example of dramatic art presentations that serve to highlight on a society’s weaknesses and strengths (Rubin, 2000).Advertising We will write a custom research paper sample on African American Theater specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More African American theater basically stemmed from American theater which is believed to be relatively new. The black population in America has basically strived to ensure that their dramatic performances get the required attention. It is believed that black American performers ventured into the field as early as 1820, but their work never attained sufficient recognition (Hay, 2004). Black artists generally performed, cr eated, and staged shows for audiences that were not entirely black. It is evident that black theater is currently facing challenges although it is regarded as a remarkably transformed field. Challenges faced by African American Theater These challenges occur through the various constraints faced by companies that seemingly work hard to promote this form of art. Most companies that aim to promote black performances rarely survive for a long time, thus, they close down for various reasons. For instance, it is hard to find such companies employing black participants in all the stages of production. In simpler terms, the directors, producers, and performers are usually a mixed lot in terms of their racial affiliation. Nevertheless, there is every reason to state that African American theater has really improved as evidenced by intensified comparisons between the past and the present (Hay, 2004). The African Groove Theater stands out as one the first companies to appreciate African Ameri can theater. Through William Brown and Hewlett James, who were also founders of the company, African Groove Theater offered black performers a chance to showcase their talents. Drama of King Shot Away was showcased to a mixed audience in 1823, but white people were not amused (Hay, 2004). They basically opposed the idea of an African American theater and even executed several attacks that eventually led to its closure. The Sambo is a typical manifestation of racial issues during these periods and black people disliked such depictions. During this period, white actors could perform stereotypical black roles by wearing black faces. White audiences generally attended these performances as a way of mocking the Africans (Rubin, 2000).Advertising Looking for research paper on art and design? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Black actors during this period also performed African American roles in the performances, but they a dhered to the prevalent white ideas about these particular roles. For instance, black actors could wear black faces in their performances and they also subliminally embraced racial depictions that were commonly performed by white artists. The evolution of black theater Black theater is constantly evolving as evidenced by the journey travelled through the years. Black theater made a bigger impact in the 1930’s, especially during the Harlem Renaissance (Hay, 2004). Grandison Lewis stands out as the first black actor and playwright to feature on Broadway. Others included Loraine Hansberry and S. Ntozake who appeared later on. They overcame many challenges that were meant to sabotage the progression of African American Theater. These artists tried as hard as they could and their message was eventually heard. The artists currently command enough respect among the black population for their efforts. It is evident that despite the challenges, African American arts have become reli able channels of entertainment in America. Black people in America have basically subdued several forms of subjugation in the community and this can be attributed to the African American Theater. They include human rights issues, political matters, and residential complications. Black films played a great role in changing the attitudes of the entire community towards black people (Rubin, 2000). Apart from being denied an opportunity to share drinks from the same source with white people, African Americans could not easily feature on television. However, the persistence exemplified by black actors ensured that they started featuring on television without restrictions from the society. The stage, therefore, became a major platform through which black people expressed their sorrow, oppression, and other vices that were perpetrated by white people. Acting became the fundamental way of enduring the pain that was inflicted on black people by the White population. Advertising We w ill write a custom research paper sample on African American Theater specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Black Theater today Today, African American Theater is a core component of American theater. Black Theater basically holds that the issues which are shared emanate from human stories and nothing else. This implies that the cultural affiliation and background that an individual has, does not matter because human conditions like love and struggle are usually at play. In other words these are universal themes that affect each and every individual. However, these institutions require lots of support in order to maintain and boost their importance in the society. Some theater institutions have opted to ensure that black theater lives forever. This is done through supporting and educating the artists. The Ensemble Theater, based in Houston, is an example of institutions that currently promote African American Theater. Urban theater has also emerge d on the scene and it constitutes a multi-billion dollar industry (Elam, 2000). Its appearance has been a thorn in the flesh for black theater and its survival. Urban theater flourishes because unlike black theater, it has all the funding and it consists of fewer stereotypes. Black theater has come a long way, but many challenges are still evident. References Elam, J. (2000). African American Performance and Theater History: A Critical Reader. Oxford: Oxford University Press Hay, S. (2004). African American Theatre:An Historical and Critical Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Rubin, D. (2000). The World Encyclopedia of Contemporary Theatre: The Americas. New York City: Routledge.Advertising Looking for research paper on art and design? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More

Michelle Obama Staff Size and Salaries

Michelle Obama Staff Size and Salaries Michelle Obamas staff consisted of 18 employees who got paid nearly $1.5 million in salary in 2010, according to the administrations Annual Report to Congress on White House Staff. The size of Michelle Obamas 2010 staff is comparable to the staff of former First Lady Laura Bush in 2008. Both First Ladies had 15 staffers directly under them, plus three more in the Office of the White House Social Secretary. The 15 employees who were members of Michelle Obamas staff in the Office of the First Lady were paid $1,198,870 in 2010. Three more staffers worked in the Office of the Social Secretary, which is under the jurisdiction of the Office of the First Lady; they earned a total of $282,600, the administrations Annual Report to Congress on White House Staff stated. Since 1995, the White House has been required to deliver a report to Congress listing the title and salary of every White House Office employee. List of Michelle Obamas Staff Here is a list of Michelle Obamas staff and their salaries in 2010. To see the annual salaries of other top U.S. government officials go here. Natalie F. Bookey Baker, executive assistant to the chief of staff to the first lady, $45,000;Alan O. Fitts, deputy director of advance and trip director for the first lady, $61,200;Jocelyn C. Frey, deputy assistant to the president and director of policy and projects for the first lady, $140,000;Jennifer Goodman, deputy director of scheduling and events coordinator for the first lady, $63,240;Deilia A.L. Jackson, deputy associate director of correspondence for the first lady, $42,000;Kristen E. Jarvis, special assistant for scheduling and traveling aide to the first lady, $51,000;Camille Y. Johnston, special assistant to the president and director of communications for the first lady, $102,000;Tyler A. Lechtenberg, director of correspondence for the first lady, $50,000;Catherine M. Lelyveld, director and press secretary to the first lady, $85,680;Dana M. Lewis, special assistant and personal aide to the first lady, $66,000;Trooper Sanders, deputy director of policy and projects for the first lady, $85,000; Susan S. Sher, assistant to the president and chief of staff and counsel to the first lady, $172,200;Frances M. Starkey, director of scheduling and advance for the first lady, $80,000;Semonti M. Stevens, associate director and deputy press secretary to the first lady, $53,550;and Melissa Winter, special assistant to the president and deputy chief of staff to the first lady, $102,000. Other Michelle Obama Staff The White House social secretary is responsible for planning and coordinating all social events and entertaining of guests - a sort of Event Planner in Chief for the president and first lady, if you will. The White House social secretary works for the first lady and serves as head of the White House Social Office, which plans everything from the casual and educational student workshops to elegant and sophisticated state dinners welcoming world leaders. In the Office of White House Social Secretary were the following staffers: Erinn J. Burnough, deputy director and deputy social secretary, $66,300;Joseph B. Reinstein, deputy director and deputy social secretary, $66,300;and Julianna S. Smoot, deputy assistant to the president and White House social secretary, $150,000. Melania Trump’s Leaner Staff According to the June 2017 report to Congress on White House personnel, First Lady Melania Trump maintains a significantly smaller staff than her predecessor, Michelle Obama. As of June 2017, only four people were listed as working directly for First Lady Trump for a total combined annual salary of $486,700. They were: Lindsay B. Reynolds $179,700.00 assistant to the president and chief of staff to the first ladyStephanie A. Grisham $115,000.00 – special assistant to the president and director of communications for the first ladyTimothy G. Tripepi $115,000.00 – special assistant to the president and deputy chief of staff of operations for the first ladyMary†Kathryn Fisher $77,000.00 – deputy director of advance for the first lady As did the Obama administration, the Trump administration acknowledged several additional White House staffers beyond those listed in the report with the term â€Å"first lady† in their titles. However, even counting those employees, the total of nine for the current first lady compared to a high of 24 for Michelle Obama, Melania Trump’s total staff is relatively small. For sake of comparison, First Lady Hillary Clinton retained a staff of 19, and Laura Bush at least 18. Updated by Robert Longley

Evaluation on Mathematics Term Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Evaluation on Mathematics - Term Paper Example Since the 1960s, the mathematic abilities of American Students has been deteriorating compared to those students from other nations. A recent study illustrated that mathematic performance depends more on education and attitude rather than inborn genetic talent (Kimball & Smith, 2013). As such, this particular analysis will focus on the ways in which mathematics is an essential component of the current society and how it is essential that students be effectively trained in math and taught not to simply â€Å"give up† if the first attempt (or attempts) were less than satisfactory. Math is objective, so students who do poorly on exams will tend to compare themselves to those who did well; not realizing that those students were well prepared. The dilemma occurs as the under-performing students identify themselves with the phrase, "Im just not good at math". From this point, it may seem the student will use this as a excuse that could decrease their motivation to prepare for math exams. This self-fulfilling prophecy can cause people to avoid approaching math with "perseverance, tenacity, and fearlessness," which is the attitude needed for people to succeed (Schwartz, 2006). Yet, as has been noted previously, the reality of this approach is that it creates generations of students that simply give up on math; rather than coming to appreciate the fact that it is a difficult subject that requires a certain degree of dedication and mastery to successfully understand and apply. In order to encourage the increased levels of dedication that should be reflected within st udents, educators would do well to remind them how fundamental math is and some of the reasons why is will come to be of ever increasing importance if these students would like to attain a well paying job after graduation (Goel & Reid, 2012). One of the first and